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Donald Trump


I will dedicate this webpage to the topic of Donald Trump.


My opinion of Donald Trump is not a very flattering one. On a scale of 1 to 10 I would give him a 0. I think there is nothing at all about him that I like. I don’t have a good opinion of his character, his mind, his judgment, his ideas, or his conduct. I am too polite to say more than that. And even though I am a very conservative person my opinion of conservatives in general in this country has dropped from about an 8 to a 1 — just because I cannot have a good opinion of anyone who would support a person like Donald Trump. Just defending someone like him says worlds about a person. My opinion of Republican congressmen? I give them all a 1. They have lost any respect I might have had for them. Silence in all of Trump’s foolishness is consent. It reflects badly on both their character and their mind. In the past I have supported some conservative organizations financially. I have been shocked to see how they back Trump up in all he says and does. They won’t get more money from me. Noone has a mind of his own. That tells me worlds about people in general. People don’t think for themselves. They just follow. On the other hand, I definitely would not vote for a Democrat. So from now on I guess I will simply not be voting.


Trump LOSES IT On Tucker, Megyn, Candace and Alex

Tucker on Trump’s Desecration of Easter and a Warning to Christians Everywhere

Fareed Zakaria on the Moral Cost of Trump’s War | The Ezra Klein Show

Trump shares new AI image of Jesus embracing him amid Pope feud


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April 7, 2026, President Donald Trump posted on Truth Social that "a whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again" in reference to an 8 p.m. ET deadline for Iran to reach a deal regarding the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.


Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) on Wednesday went after the Republican response to President Trump’s recent post threatening Iran in which he stated that “a whole civilization will die.”


“It says something about just how bankrupt the Republican Party has become under Donald Trump, that none of them said a peep. And so, the reality is, the only thing, and the only thing they care about, is not the fact that the president of the United States threatened massive war crimes and genocide, the only thing they care about is their own elections,” Van Hollen told MS NOW’s Ali Velshi on “All In.”


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Former Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) said Thursday that President Trump’s threat earlier this week that Iran’s “whole civilization will die” was “absolute madness.”


CNN’s Pamela Brown and Wolf Blitzer spoke with Greene and asked why the president’s threat on Tuesday was “the final straw for” her.


“Because it’s absolute madness,” she said. “How can any person that is mentally stable call for an entire civilization of people to be murdered, to be wiped out, to never come back again? That’s what the president called for, and that shows that there’s serious instability in his thinking that he would not only say that in a private room, perhaps with his advisers, but actually go to his megaphone, his Truth Social, and post that for the entire country and the entire world?”


Trump on Tuesday warned on Truth Social that if Iran did not send a peace deal proposal and reopen the Strait of Hormuz, a “whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again.”


“I don’t want that to happen, but it probably will,” he continued in the post. “However, now that we have Complete and Total Regime Change, where different, smarter, and less radicalized minds prevail, maybe something revolutionarily wonderful can happen, WHO KNOWS?”


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UNBELIEVABLE! Trump & Jeffrey Sachs’ Heated Fight Spirals Out Of Control | US News | World News


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The following is by William S. Becker, opinion contributor, published in The Hill on 4/20/26.


Donald Trump’s presidency is a morality lesson. He is a living example of what happens when a man is given power that far exceeds his character. It is time for America to acknowledge the lesson and move on.


Trump is engaged in a constant struggle for respect, seeking affirmation to maintain his facade of respectability. In reality, he seems to have starved his soul in pursuit of material wealth, power and fame.


This facade is as unstable as a Jenga tower. Trump fears that someone will pull out the piece that makes it topple, so he relentlessly punishes anyone who might try.  


The real estate mogul constructs monuments not to great Americans or moments in history, but to himself. They include resorts, hotels, golf clubs and skyscrapers. Now, they include a Trump ballroom at the White House and a prospective Arc de Trump imposing itself on the Lincoln Memorial. His portrait hangs throughout the capital like Caesar’s adorned Rome. Soon, Trump’s likeness will appear on U.S. currency and commemorative gold coins.


He doesn’t understand, or perhaps will not admit, that he is memorializing a decade in which he caused decay, division, degradation, degeneration and disgrace. Once Trump leaves office, the plaques on his monuments will explain how the government failed America and nearly allowed the world’s continuing democracy to slip away.


Trump has imposed his will on the nation’s cultural institutions, dictating what the Smithsonian museums should exhibit and what the renamed Donald J. Trump-John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts should host.  Once he is gone, a permanent exhibit at the National Museum of American History should teach schoolchildren how easily tyrants can mislead the people and fill the void left by a passive citizenry.


The Trump decade should be remembered as a period when a president commandeered every news cycle by creating fresh controversies. As his power crumbled, he escalated his outrages so that each one distracted national attention from the last.


Many theorize that he even launched a war to divert persistent attention from the most sordid scandal in American history: the Epstein affair. His badly conceived attack has so far cost the lives of 15 U.S. soldiers, wounded 400, and killed or injured nearly 30,000 Iranians while pushing the world economy to the brink of recession and imposing economic costs on people around the world.


The diversion has worked — at least, for now. Epstein has been pushed off the front pages, even though the Justice Department has unlawfully refused to release 2.5 million pages of evidence.


While two members of Congress have just resigned because of alleged sexual misconduct, Trump has been accused by at least 19 other women of sexual misconduct. He has so far been shielded from accountability in the Epstein scandal by his own Justice Department. But detailed accounts of Trump’s alleged predation are already part of the public record, including in documents filed as part of civil lawsuits.


The stench of scandal has characterized the Trump White House. The president and his Cabinet have repeatedly violated the Constitution, engaged in profitable conflicts of interest, abused his pardon power, deployed the military against the civilian population, ignored citizens’ constitutional rights, withheld public funds from states that didn’t vote for him, and used the threat of legal action and the denial of federal funds to extort private corporations and universities into conformance with his policies.


Trump has turned the U.S. Justice Department into his personal goon squad with specious investigations of his perceived enemies. Now, as they watch Trump’s support slipping among voters, his allies are reportedly working to rig this year’s elections and the presidential election in 2028.


That is the presidency to which Trump is building monuments.


Not all of America’s presidents have been paragons of virtue. But they have generally understood that their legacy would not be enshrined in white marble or gold coins, or in awards designed to bribe them. A president’s legacy is defined by deeds. It is enshrined in policies that make America stronger, democracy healthier, life better, justice more equal, and citizens more secure.


The voting public has twice given Trump the opportunity to redeem his legacy.  Each time, he has only made it worse. His last chance is to resign now, citing health reasons.


If he doesn’t, then the challenge of redemption will pass to Congress. History will remember its current members more kindly if they do their jobs by removing Trump from office before he does irreparable damage to the country.


William S. Becker is co-editor of and a contributor to “Democracy Unchained: How to Rebuild Government for the People,” and a contributor to Democracy in a Hotter Time, named by the journal Nature as one of 2023’s five best science books. He previously served as a senior official in the Wisconsin Department of Justice. He is currently executive director of the Presidential Climate Action Project.


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The author of the above is most likely a liberal and probably has all kinds of outlooks and ideas I wouldn’t agree with but I think he has stated a lot of obvious truths about Donald Trump. There is no one like an enemy for seeing all of one’s faults.


The things that Donald Trump says and does give a very clear picture into his mind. He wants Greenland. Getting it is a problem when it belongs to someone else. So how do you deal with a problem like that? You just take it.


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Ex-CIA Agent’s Thoughts on Charlie Kirk’s Assassination

Joe Kent Reveals All in First Interview Since Resigning as Trump’s Counterterrorism Director

Trump Offers U.S. Citizenship to 32 Million Venezuelans

Tucker Responds to the Israel Lobby Defeating Thomas Massie and Killing MAGA


Consider the following article:

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I worked with Trump. I know why he is being so easily goaded into a forever war


Story by Miles Taylor


Every ally of the United States needs to acknowledge something. It may not be a fact you speak out loud when you’re in Washington, but your future depends on you being clear-eyed for the next few years about this stubborn reality: Donald Trump’s character defects cannot be contained – and some nations are exploiting them to create chaos.


The war in Iran – the one Trump promised would be over in days – has dragged into a fifth month because America’s adversaries want it to drag on, and have learned that the cheapest way to prolong it is to keep insulting the man in charge.


Indeed, Iran is delivering a masterclass on how to bait the US President.


Unfortunately, I learned how easily Trump could be played during his first term, when I served as chief of staff at the Department of Homeland Security.


Foreign governments sorted themselves early into two schools of Trump management. Most allies chose flattery. Their delegations arrived pre-briefed to compliment him in the opening minutes of any meeting, and their summits were choreographed around the pageantry he craved. It worked with depressing regularity, and career diplomats watched hard-won American leverage walk out the door because a foreign leader had mastered the art of the compliment.


Adversaries studied the same man and often reached for the opposite tool, if it gained them leverage. The hunger for respect that makes Trump easy to flatter also makes him even easier to provoke.


A well-aimed insult could send the President into a tailspin and upend the operations of the White House and the federal government for a day or more. I sat in meetings that were scheduled to be about policy and became instead about payback, about what some foreign figure had said on television and how tough the response should look.


Praise and provocation. Two sides of the same Trump coin.


North Korea pulled the second lever first and pulled it hardest. In 2017, Pyongyang timed its missile launches for maximum spectacle, called the President a “dotard” in state media and baited him into threatening “fire and fury”. We were baffled by how easily he was sucked into the tit-for-tat.


Having proved that strategy could jerk Trump’s emotions on command, Kim Jong-un then switched levers and offered respect. The summits followed, then the love letters. Kim banked legitimacy that no North Korean leader had ever enjoyed by luring a US President onto his shores; kept every warhead; and purchased years of American inattention. He remains the only world leader to have worked both sides of the coin so expertly in a single term.


Washington insiders treated that episode as a punchline, but evidently the regime in Iran treated it as an instruction manual.


If you have any doubt, just look at what the Iranians have done since the war began in February. Regime propagandists have flooded the internet with videos ridiculing Trump, with content engineered for an audience of one. Murals in Tehran depict his death and menace his family. Assassination plots keep surfacing in public view rather than staying in the shadows, where a serious intelligence service would normally keep them, which tells you publicity is the point.


The regime has studied Trump for a decade. They know their taunts goad him, maybe not always exactly how they’d hope, but enough to give them leverage the regime has never had before.


They’ve developed influence over a man who sees this as a personal feud. And in doing so, they put him in a position where he offered perhaps the most absurd deal America has ever offered to an enemy just weeks into a war. Namely, the Trump administration has said it is ready to help hand hundreds of billions of dollars to Iran for “reconstruction”, in exchange for promises Tehran has already made, and to reopen a strait – the Strait of Hormuz – that had previously been open.


Iran has now spurned the US offer.


Governments losing wars do not refuse golden exits unless someone is making it worth their while. I suspect, if you follow that trail, you’ll end up in Moscow and Beijing – two capitals where leaders have also learned to play Trump, where they see how effective Iran has been in taunting the US and where they see opportunity to keep weakening the world’s pre-eminent superpower.


To think Iran is continuing the war without taking direction from Russia and China is to ignore the fact that it depends on their autocratic patrons.


Three days before Trump’s second inauguration, Vladimir Putin and Iran’s President signed a 20-year strategic partnership treaty. In December, Iran finalised a purchase of Russian air-defence systems worth almost $590m. Since the shooting started, Western outlets have reported that Russia passed intelligence to Iran on US military targets, and coached Iranian forces on drone tactics refined in Ukraine.


Meanwhile, Chinese firms supplied dual-use technology and Beijing kept the Iranian regime solvent by buying its sanctioned oil.


The logic in Moscow and Beijing is cold and sound. Neither will fight for Iran, because neither wants or indeed needs to put boots on the ground. A US bogged down in the Gulf cannot adequately resupply Ukraine, cannot reinforce the Pacific and cannot adequately lead the West. Every month this war grinds on, Putin’s position in Europe improves and Xi Jinping’s arithmetic on Taiwan gets friendlier.


Iran is bleeding badly, but Iran’s patrons profit by backing it, and Tehran has evidently decided that wounding the superpower is worth its own injuries.


A stable US president would see this obvious trap and starve it. They would recognise that their enemies are conspiring and exploiting their ego, and would decline, publicly and repeatedly, to be baited. Yet, in four decades of public life, Trump has not been known to decline a bait. Now, he is preparing to double down again in what some officials say might become a wider war.


So, let me forecast where this goes for nations whose lives and fortunes depend, in part, on the whims of a mercurial leader who’s fashioned himself a gaudy, gold-plated palace in Washington.


Iran will drag the US into an expanded air campaign. The regime will deploy more proxies to harass shipping and American bases at a tempo calibrated to justify the next sortie without ever forcing a decision. In other words, it will keep the war too hot to leave and too cold to win.


Meanwhile, we should be watching for Russia probing Nato’s edges while US aircraft carriers idle in the Gulf. We should also be watching for China to grow bolder around Taiwan on the theory that Washington cannot manage two crises at once. And we should be watching for Iran to dangle negotiations again at the moment of maximum political damage, perhaps weeks before the US midterms, so that accepting a deal looks like surrender and refusing one extends the bleeding.


Sadly, I doubt the White House will be watching the first two because the President will be so personally distracted by the third.


Trump will not rescue himself from this. His character was settled long ago, and no adviser that I worked with has ever successfully talked him out of a grievance, at least not in the long term.


The exit ramp has to be built by others. Republicans need to deliver the message their pollsters are already whispering, which is that a grinding war will badly damage them in the midterms. If warnings fail, Congress holds the power of the purse. Lawmakers voting to constrain war funding is not a US weakness, it may be the only thing that prevents us from squandering whatever strength we have left.


America’s enemies are spending next to nothing on insults and cartoons to purchase the exhaustion of the West. Until Trump learns that taking the bait is more expensive than restraint, they will keep getting serious value for their money.


Miles Taylor is a former chief of staff at the US Department of Homeland Security and has served on Capitol Hill, in the White House and at the Pentagon. He is a No 1 New York Times bestselling author, regular national security commentator and democracy reform leader


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10 Apr 2026



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